MANILA, Philippines — Last Sunday, we wrote about modern-day dynasties, dictators, and despots and, in particular, singled out the Administrations of Presidents Marcos (dynasty and dictator), Estrada (dynasty), and Arroyo (dynasty), plus Middle East-North Africa rulers: Tunisia (dynasty, dictator, despot); Egypt (dynasty, dictator, despot); Libya (dynasty, dictator, despot); and Yemen (dynasty, dictator, despot). Nearing the end-game is Syria (dynasty, dictator, despot) now under tight sanctions from the UN, Arab League, EU, US, and others because of heinous crimes and violence by the state against civilians.

To all these erstwhile Heads of State/Government do apply most pointedly the Words of Wisdom (WOW) of Leo Oracion, the first Filipino to climb Mt. Everest – which deserve repeating. He memorably asserted: “Getting to the top is optional, but coming back down is mandatory -- because no one stays at the summit forever.”

Tama (Correct)? Matuwid (Straight)? Oo, tamang-tama (Yes, right on target)!!

WOW from forebears

My late father Narciso inscribed on his page in the 1919 Manila High School Yearbook (upon graduation therefrom as a working student) these WOWs: “For what does it profit a man, if he gains the whole world and loses his soul?” (Matthew 16:26).

Since then, he was constantly fiscalizing some uncaring elites and crooked officials of his time.

In Narciso’s biography is recorded this vignette: In 1929, Narciso founded, published, and edited the Pangasinan News, the first English weekly newspaper in Pangasinan, and one of the earliest in the Philippines. As reporter, publisher, and lawyer, he championed press freedom and contributed to the enrichment of Philippine journalism through his incisive writings. His Pangasinan publishing venture, however, lasted only three years because of financial setbacks, so he turned to being correspondent of the Manila Daily Bulletin.

This provided him opportunities to cover (on the spot) the 1931 “Colorum” armed uprising in Tayug, Pangasinan – next to his hometown Asingan. The violent protests of dispossessed tenant farmers against big landholders (perceived to be enjoying government protection at that time) was the precursor of wider and bloodier peasant movements which later became the Hukbalahaps and the New People’s Army.

Some of us elders remember that the derogatory term “colorum” comes from the old Latin benediction, “Per omnia saecula saeculorum. Amen.” (Forever and ever. Amen.) Over time, these words were bastardized into just “colorum,” which is Filipino slang for “fake,” “imitation,” or “unauthorized,” translating further into something illegal or unlicensed, as in “colorum” jeepney.

Colorum revolt of landless tenants

As journalist and lawyer, Narciso considered the uprising in Tayug led by peasant-activist Pedro Calosa in January, 1931, as the turning point in his media career. That short-lived revolt was the hottest news countrywide. Narciso scored many scoops for the Manila Bulletin while covering his provincial beat.

Former DENR Secretary Victor Ramos, a native of the neighboring town San Nicolas, revealed that his ancestral home was near the hideout of Calosa’s Colorums. Victor described Calosa as “a nationalist leader and not just a peasant” who had earlier been deported by the US Government for organizing sugar workers’ unions in Hawaii in 1926.

These stirring and passionate words of Calosa inspired lowly people: “God resides in every man. God created Earth, water, and air for all men. It is against God’s laws for one family or group to own them.”

The rebels were landless tenants of eastern Pangasinan. They had two objectives: To force government to distribute large haciendas to the tenants, and to make the Philippine Independent Church the State religion.

Among Narciso’s exciting experiences was dodging bullets coming from all sides, and ducking behind trees around the Tayug plaza during the encounters of the rebel-farmers and the Philippine Constabulary.

Frontline reports

Capsules of Narciso’s dispatches to the Manila Bulletin on the Tayug hostilities narrate: “On 10 January 1931, Pedro Calosa and aide Cesario Abe notified 70 followers, including 14 women, to assemble quietly near the Constabulary barracks.

“One woman lured a sentry from his post; then her companions quickly hacked him to death. Immediately after, the rebels attacked the sleeping constables; others captured rifles and ammunition, and set the barracks on fire. In the confusion, eight of the eleven enlisted men escaped. The officers, awakened by the commotion, fell dead from a volley of gunshots. The townspeople started fleeing to the countryside.

“By next morning, Tayug belonged to the insurgents, and for the next six hours, they controlled the town. The Presidencia with its hated land records went up in flames, as did the Post Office. Looters broke into 35 homes belonging to rich families, and stripped them of valuables. However, the rebellion did not last as the reinforced Constabulary troops soon defeated the outgunned rebels who were promptly put in jail.

“The aftermath of the ‘Colorum Revolt’ sent shock waves across Luzon, particularly among the landed gentry who were rudely threatened by prospects of wider agrarian unrest. Their usual attitude of arrogance toward poor peasants changed overnight.”

Fight poverty: Redistribute wealth

In winning popular support, the incarcerated peasants proved as articulate as the landowners despite the latter’s affluence and education. The collective appeals of the landless brought rural grievances to the fore in dramatic ways as Manila newspapers extensively quoted Calosa and his deputy Cesario Abe who, when interviewed, insisted the uprising arose “to secure the redistribution of wealth in order to help poor people free themselves from oppression.”

Their articulation of compelling community, national, and spiritual goals reached sympathetic ears in Manila and countrywide. Almost overnight, influential defenders rallied to the cause of the imprisoned farmers whose mass trial took place under the glare of national publicity. The rebel leaders, Calosa and Abe, who were charged with high crimes, hired Atty. Alejo Mabanag (then Partido Democrata candidate for Senate) as their defense lawyer. For his part, Narciso Ramos volunteered as legal counsel of their penniless followers.

The court proceedings lasted three months from February to April, 1931. The defense attorneys whittled down the prosecution charges. They did not dispute the fact that the “Colorum” secret society had come into being. Nor did they deny that the organization had indeed killed law-enforcement authorities in Tayug.

They contended, nevertheless, that their clients had been driven by long-standing grievances against oppression by landowners and other accumulated evils. The real culprits, according to the rebels, were ‘caciquism,’ colonialism, and religious intolerance.

When the “Colorum” case was considered closed, young Narciso emerged with an enhanced reputation as “champion and lawyer of the oppressed.” He later wrote in his memoirs: “I can’t stand injustice.”

Calosa and Abe, despite the pleadings of counsel Mabanag, were both sentenced to 40 years imprisonment. The peasant-followers defended by Ramos were given lighter sentences of five years in jail – while all women participants were acquitted for insufficiency of evidence.

P-Noy’s ticking bombs

In his autobiography, “An Unexpected Journey” (November 2011), former Singapore President S.R. Nathan laments: “I look back on my dealings with the Philippines with a sense of disappointment that this talented nation has not achieved more. There are many brilliant individuals, the people are highly literate, and they have a rich cultural heritage. It was hard not to make comparisons with Latin America, where the church and the big landowners are big influences.

“Maurice Baker, our ambassador in Manila, interviewed communist leader Luis Taruc and reported: ‘Taruc clearly had a brilliant and incisive mind, and analyzed Philippine society in a most clinical way. He foresaw little progress in the absence of land reform, with a few big families remaining in absolute control.’”

Obviously, the Luisita situation (due to the Supreme Court’s landmark decision of 23 November) has added tangled, long-simmering time-bombs on P.Noy’s table. Luisita could well be the most explosive hot potato, among other issues, like:

(1) China, US, and the Spratlys (Philippine Star, 17 Nov).

(2) Supreme Court vs. Malacañang (Business Mirror, 02 Dec).

(3) Peace negotiations with MILF and NDF (Manila Times.net, 10 Nov).

(4) Reproductive health (Manila Standard Today, 09 Nov), and Freedom of information bills (Inquirer News, 01 Oct).

(5) Poverty, hunger, and unemployment (Manila Bulletin, 6 Jul).

(6) Maguindanao massacre (Manila Standard Today, 23 Nov).

(7) RP corruption image – transparency international (Daily Tribune, 02 Dec)

What to do?

We are all onboard our one and only ship “Pilipinas” with P-Noy as Skipper. Nation-building is a team effort, and all Filipinos must “pull an oar and plug a hole” so that “Pilipinas” can steadily advance faster, stronger and higher.

(Remember our previous exhortation – Citius, Fortius, Altius)?

Are “colorum” operators illegal? Yes. Was the “Colorum Revolt” illegal also? No, it was totally legitimate, given people’s basic rights and international humanitarian law.

Let no one forget that “It is the President’s inescapable responsibility to put our divided Philippine house in order -- so our nation can succeed in the war against poverty, endemic disease, hunger, environmental degradation, ignorance, and joblessness.” (10 Jul 2011, Manila Bulletin).

KAYA BA NATIN ITO???

Please send any comments to fvr@rpdev.org. Copies of articles are available at www.rpdev.org.