The noisy clamor for the removal of both PM Thaksin and President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo – for different reasons – intensifies to this day in each country. The Philippines and Thailand are being pulled down by political crises – triggered by common charges of corruption, cronyism, poor governance, and the propensity to use strong-armed methods to stay in power.

PGMA promulgated Presidential Proclamation 1017 on 24 February because of a "state of national emergency" and revoked it one week later. Three days ago, PM Thaksin threatened to crack down on the anti-government militants, but immediately was talked out of taking a hardline position by his own military and police commanders. Instead, PM Thaksin has announced that he is thinking of stepping down temporarily – to create time and space for negotiations with the opposition to take place. PM Thaksin appears cool, confident, and protective of Thailand’s hurting economy. In contrast, PGMA has been reactive, vindictive, panicky, insecure, bereft of strategic alternatives to accelerate our muddling economy, and obviously intent on maintaining a survival mode up to June 2010 (or more than four long years from now).

Thailand’s long-standing problem of Muslim separatism in the south continues to fester and has been aggravated by the imposition of martial law in the three southern provinces. On top of this is a new corruption issue triggered by the 73.3 billion baht (1.9 billion USD) sale on 23 January 2006 of PM Thaksin Shinawatra’s family holdings in the Shin Corporation (telecom) to Temasek Holdings of Singapore. The buy-out by Temasek was Thailand’s biggest corporate takeover, and the transaction was allegedly exempted from capital gains tax because it was done through the Stock Exchange of Thailand.

According to Jutarat Tongpian’s article in the 14 February issue of Thai Day entitled, "Slowly, Students are Opposing Thaksin," PM Thaksin’s conduct in the Shin-Temasek deal was widely seen as "dishonest, unethical, and immoral." The outrage that followed spread to all sectors of Thai society, including the university students, who had been largely written off as a potent political force since 1992 – during the ouster of Thailand’s last military strongman General Suchinda Kraprayoon. Since early February up to now, some 50,000 to 100,000 antiThaksin protesters have been hitting Bangkok’s streets almost daily, especially around the Government House, which is the office of the Prime Minister (equivalent of Malacañang).

On the other hand, proThaksin supporters have been mobilized not only in urban areas, but especially in the countryside where the PM’s voting strength is solid. The Thai broadcast and print media (which are just as hardhitting as their Philippine counterparts) are freely taking part in the public debate and demonstrations – either for or against the Government.

Retired General Chamlong Srimuang, former Governor of the Bangkok region (also a highly-respected religious leader of the Buddhist Santi Asoke sect) and acknowledged as PM Thaksin’s political mentor, has "disinherited" the PM and has led noisy protests against the Government. It was Chamlong’s public service as elected Governor of Bangkok that earned for him a rare international distinction – the 1992 Ramon Magsaysay Award for Government Service. The RM citation for General Chamlong states: "In Asia, the process of achieving democracy can be painfully slow and is easily frustrated. And since few political actors are wholly immune to intrigues, or to greed and powerseeking, sometimes it is the behavior of elected officials themselves that discredits the democratic alternative. Yet, if elected leaders are no better than military strongmen or domineering party bosses, Chamlong Srimuang – as the elected Governor of Bangkok and a champion of democratic reforms in Thailand – has renewed hope among Thais..." The relevance of that message imparted through this Philippine citation of a Thai leader 14 years ago applies with equally heavy impact today on Thais – and Filipinos governed by PGMA, whose trust rating had plunged to minus 30%, according to this week’s opinion polls.

Observers note that what should truly frighten PM Thaksin is that even active top military officers have expressed their anti-Government sentiments openly. Only last 08 March, General Archiravit Suphanaphesat, National Police spokesman, sent an open letter to PM Thaksin "urging him not to resume the premiership" even if his Thai Rak Thai Party wins a majority in the snap elections scheduled on April 2nd. It will be recalled that as his determined reaction to the threats to his position, PM Thaksin dissolved the lower House last 24 February and ordered a snap election (in order to get a "confidence vote").

The latest threat to PM Thaksin is the projected boycott of nearly 100 products linked to the Shinawatra family, which include top international brands such as Toyota, Heineken, Nescafe, and 711 convenience stores. This new tactic to force out PM Thaksin came even as protesters announced they would maintain their massive rallies around the Government House without let-up.

As for President Arroyo, local and foreign media have criticized daily the continuing crackdown made on leaders of street protests, to include members of the political opposition, party-list representatives in Congress, and civil society groups – as well as the relief, restriction to quarters, and investigation of military and police officers suspected of plotting coup attempts.

Adding to PM Thaksin’s loss of popularity were the media attacks on Privy Council Chairman (retired General and former Prime Minister) Prem Tinsulanonda by former Bangkok Governor Samak Sundaravej (a party-mate of PM Thaksin) together with co-host Dusit Siriwan on the Army-run TV Ch-5. General Prem is a highly-regarded icon – next in esteem to the Royal Family – and commands deep respect among the people. Last 8 February, in a gathering at the Rajabhat University, General Prem spoke on "Administration of the Government Sector in Line with His Majesty’s Wishes for Thailand in the Future." He explained that this is a 14-point guideline for good governance, gleaned from the King’s past speeches, and was not intended to reprimand PM Thaksin or anyone in particular.

In the midst of the rising political tension, major television channels aired last 12 March (Sunday) the 1992 video message of King Bhumibol Adulyadej as he urged both the contending forces of then premier (General) Suchinda’s military-backed government and the pro-democracy protesters to find the means to negotiate a peaceful settlement and avoid violence. "Turn to each other and do not confront each other to solve the problem," the King said on the video. Although officials would not say who authorized the prime-time broadcast, it was widely seen as a move from the King himself to get the principal protagonists in the current crisis to talk civilly to each other.

Here in the Philippines, PGMA is being similarly and continuously attacked on various fronts for alleged shady deals; the manipulation of Commission on Election, military and national police officials in suspected electoral fraud exposed in the "Hello Garci" tapes; railroading of the impeachment process in her favor; the Senate inquiry on the alleged "Joc-Joc" fertilizer scam, etc.

The on-going furor spawned by PP1017 measures resulting in alleged "press censorship" and "warrantless arrests" have been labelled by PGMA critics as a reprise of Marcos martial law. The Thai media, in a similar vein, has accused PM Thaksin of using Marcosian methods.

Thailand’s Committee to Protect Journalists’ (CPJ) annual report entitled, "Attack on the Press in 2005," stated that PM Thaksin’s campaign against the media uses tactics similar to those of President Ferdinand Marcos. Following the release of the CPJ report, media consultant Shawn Crispin said, "It’s what Marcos did in the ‘70s in the Philippines, and it emasculated the Philippine press for many years. PM Thaksin is doing the same thing." Columnist Kamol Hengkietisak in the Bangkok Post of 12 February wrote: "Modern society wants the country to be democratic, and the government transparent – free from conflicts of interest and cronyism, open-minded and respectful of human rights. People also demand the free flow of information from all the media. On these issues, Thaksin has failed to deliver and, in fact, has walked backwards."

President Arroyo, on the other hand, is being accused of doing more besides the suppression of press freedom. In the eyes of several legal luminaries, the issuance of presidential directives seen as transgressing on human rights and the independence of democratic institutions such as PD808, EO464, PP1017, GOs 5 and 6, etc., are reminiscent of the martial law regime.

And, to highlight Philippine and Thai dysfunctions, the Associated Press article "RP-Thailand Crises Set Back Democracy in Southeast Asia," datelined Bangkok, 6 March, opined:

As a consistent proponent for meaningful reform through Charter change, it is my belief that Thailand will probably have an easier time than the Philippines in overcoming each other’s political crisis. Compared to our presidential form of government, Thailand’s parliamentary system offers a non-violent, legal, and constitutional alternative: The "confidence or no-confidence" vote, to effect regime change without the need for police-military intervention. The Philippine system, in contrast, may lead to the fragmentation of our armed services, the adoption of extra-legal measures, and the eventuality of bloody civil strife.

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